The IMI Journal: Standing Up for Democracy Today, and Learning From the Past

What makes the GOP attack on our elections system so dangerous is actually a media problem. The public has little context in which to understand the latest dangerous efforts to undermine our democracy because the corporate media model doesn’t give journalists and election experts the opportunity to explain how states actually count and certify elections.

IMI is so proud to be working with Steven Rosenfeld’s Voting Booth project, a national leader in covering the finer points and the legal issues involved. The work is priceless—the voting and elections community reads and trusts Voting Booth, helping them make better decisions; reporters from all over the country take pointers from the reporting; and the general public is getting the best view possible on what really matters and what’s at stake. The problems are bad, the crisis is real—but at least from a media standpoint, this is exactly the kind of public interest journalism that we need.

Check out Voting Booth’s latest reporting on Arizona, the Trump-era GOP experiment for how to try to crash an election system. Rosenfeld’s recent article on the Supreme Court’s decision about Arizona’s new voting laws is the best, most concise reporting on the consequences of a majority decision on voting rights you’ll find. Hold it up against the New York Times—you come away better informed, and poised to help our democracy. There are seemingly millions of subscribers for diluted journalism on the key democratic issues of our time, and only a fraction of that financial support for the journalists who are the leaders on social issues. It’s time for that to change.

We at IMI are really trying to push the boundaries and keep producing work that can shift the parameters of debate. April M. Short’s work for Local Peace Economy has recently focused on the huge historical lessons from the past about society and human nature. I urge you to sit down with her article that looks at how societies of the past have survived climate change. In it, she interviews the authors of a major study that looks at thousands of years of evidence in Mesopotamia and concluded that the societies that were cooperative and less hierarchical survived—and the ones that weren’t or couldn’t adapt did not. A social dimension to surviving climate change? The message we hear in the media for addressing climate change often comes down to individual choices we make as consumers, and how huge businesses are shifting their production process.

Another one from April Short that I keep turning back to is an interview she did with an expert on the history and culture of warfare, who compared our past to the modernized version of it that sucks up tax dollars more than any other human activity. It turns out that humanity has colossal sample sizes of thousands of years, hundreds of societies that thrived without warfare—these understandings of ancient life are in fact revolutionary when you hold them up against the way we live today. Short’s other articles on pioneering cooperation projects in the U.S. on food, housing and sustainability are inspiring people to join the good social causes and projects around us—I know it because we get the letters from readers who share that it inspired them to act within their communities.

That’s powerful media.

Please check out our other most recent stories below—and if you haven’t already, please join us and support our work!

Thanks from Jan Ritch-Frel and the rest of the IMI team.


Samuel Alito’s Assault on the Voting Rights Act Is Plunging the Supreme Court Back to the Segregation Era

The conservative majority’s opinion permits some racial discrimination in voting.

By Steven Rosenfeld

In recent decades, voting rights progress has consisted of expanding access to a ballot and the ways to cast it—such as online registration, voting from home with mailed-out ballots and other options to vote before Election Day. Those innovations have been widely embraced, especially during the 2020 election in response to health concerns during a pandemic. In the general election, 56 million people voted in a different manner than they had in 2016.

But the Supreme Court’s latest major decision on the Voting Rights Act of 1965 has imposed new standards that election law scholars say are hostile to the more expansive and convenient voting options that have surfaced in recent years. Even more troubling, the court’s conservative majority has done so in a way that is reminiscent of the arguments put forth by last century’s opponents of equal voting opportunities for racial minorities.

In Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee, the court eviscerated the strongest remaining section of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA), Section 2, which held that election laws and voting rules that had a racially discriminatory impact could be blocked. (In 2013, the court, in Shelby v. Holder, neutered the VRA’s sections that allowed federal authorities to block regressive new election laws or voting rules in jurisdictions with histories of discrimination.) Perhaps most alarmingly in Brnovich, Justice Samuel Alito’s majority opinion resurrected a legal strategy embraced by the opponents of last century’s major civil rights reforms.

Brnovich held that some discriminatory impacts of an election law do not alone invalidate that law. That standard, put forth in “guideposts” laid out by Alito, means that suits challenging laws and rules that make voting harder must go beyond showing a discriminatory result. Those challenging a law must prove that its authors intended to discriminate—making it much harder to sue and win. Shifting the burden of proof from the result or effect of a law to its authors’ intent was a tactic of 1970s anti-civil rights litigants.

Read the rest at National Memo.

Steven Rosenfeld is the editor and chief correspondent of Voting Booth, a project of the Independent Media Institute. He has reported for National Public Radio, Marketplace, and Christian Science Monitor Radio, as well as a wide range of progressive publications including Salon, AlterNet, the American Prospect, and many others.

The Right Wing Is Pumping Out Critical Race Theory Attacks to Boost Its Propaganda War on Public Education

Right-wing groups are attacking diversity, equity, and inclusion work in public schools because they want to get rid of public education.

By Jeff Bryant

“No one deserves the school I went to,” says Celia Gottlieb.

Gottlieb is currently enrolled in Middlebury College and working as an intern with New York University’s Metro Center, but she is talking about the high school she attended in Highland, New York, a small community in the Lower Hudson River Valley region of the Empire State.

The Highland Central School District would raise few concerns to the casual observer. Its state data report card says the district graduates 89 percent of its students, above the national rate of 86 percent, with a college, career, and civic readiness level of four, the state’s highest rating. But Gottlieb’s negative recollections about her high school years have more to do with what went on inside the building.

“There was not a single day that I didn’t hear a student openly use the n-word,” she told me in a phone call. “Confederate flags were common. Students had Confederate flags on their cars and on their clothes. One kid wore a shirt with a Confederate flag on it nearly every day and was never told to take it off, even though a student who wore a shirt with an LGBTQ message on it was told to take it off.”

Read the rest at LA Progressive.

Jeff Bryant is a writing fellow and chief correspondent for Our Schools. He is a communications consultant, freelance writer, advocacy journalist, and director of the Education Opportunity Network, a strategy and messaging center for progressive education policy. His award-winning commentary and reporting routinely appear in prominent online news outlets, and he speaks frequently at national events about public education policy. Follow him on Twitter @jeffbcdm.

Climate Crises Can Lead to Improved Social Cooperation and Economy

A new study on the effects of climate crises in ancient Mesopotamia found increased cooperation and a more widespread distribution of power.

By April M. Short

The going assumption is that the impacts of climate disasters on institutions and economics will be negative. However, this is not always the case. Climate disasters can actually have the opposite effect, historically, as shown in a recent article about climate-related disasters in ancient Mesopotamia. The study found that climate-related tensions in effect forced greater cooperation and a more widespread distribution of power across social sectors.

The article, “Climate Change and State Evolution,” was published in the journal Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS) on April 6 and was authored by Carmine Guerriero from the University of Bologna in Italy and Giacomo Benati from Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen in Germany. The authors note in the article’s abstract that prior literature on climate disasters in ancient societies focuses on “collapse archaeology,” and tends to correlate “severe droughts” with “institutional crises.” The article instead used a game theory approach to analyze a stream of papers that have been published in recent years on Bronze Age Mesopotamia that challenge this narrative.

Read the rest at Pressenza.

April M. Short is an editor, journalist and documentary editor and producer. She is a writing fellow at Local Peace Economy, a project of the Independent Media Institute. Previously, she served as a managing editor at AlterNet as well as an award-winning senior staff writer for Santa Cruz, California’s weekly newspaper. Her work has been published with the San Francisco Chronicle, In These Times, Salon and many others.

The IMI Journal: June 2021 Edition: Americans Shell Out for Entertainment Media and Corporate News, But Not Independent Media

I’ve asked two dozen of my colleagues: How much do you pay monthly for all your media subscriptions—and how much of that goes to any of the organizations that are independent, and fighting hard to make the world a better place?

The answers I’ve received show a pattern of monthly subscriptions for most corporate and commercial media: Spotify, $9.99; Netflix, $8.99; Apple TV and Music, $14.95; YouTube, $11.99; Disney+, $7.99; Discovery+, $6.99; Amazon Prime, $12.99.

That totals about $75 per month, plus an average cable/internet bill of $200. It quickly adds up to a number around $3,300 annually in the U.S.

Guess how much my colleagues told me they pay for independent media?

$20 per year, total.

Independent media is necessary to make any kind of social progress—but when it comes to paying for it, our habit as a society is to pay media companies for entertainment instead.

Consider your own patterns, and if you think you might get more out of independent media and everything it can accomplish—whether that’s a better health care system, more sustainable environmental practices, a stronger education system, or a more equal society—than you would with unlimited TV series to binge on, then please join us and support our mission and important work.

Please join us now—we need you in our court.

And if you aren’t up to date, please catch up with our recent work:

To Save Planet, Solve Twin Crises of Climate Change and Species Loss Together, Say UN Scientists

Reynard Loki – Earth | Food | Life

Pro-Trump and Vote-Counting Factions Split Over Arizona 2020 Vote Audit

Steven Rosenfeld – Voting Booth

There Is No Labor Shortage, Only Labor Exploitation

Sonali Kolhatkar – Economy for All

Arizona Senate Challenged by Experienced Election Auditors to Let Them Confirm 2020 Voting Results

Steven Rosenfeld – Voting Booth

Forests Are Crucial to Combating Climate Change—Will Biden Rise to the Challenge?

Reynard Loki – Earth | Food | Life

Is the Rise of QAnon Conspiracies the ‘End Times’ for U.S. Democracy?

Thom Hartmann – Economy for All

How the Tulsa Race Massacre Was a Violent Act of Racist Economic Injustice

Sonali Kolhatkar – Economy for All

Humanity’s #1 Environmental Problem Is Consumption—Climate Change Is Just One of the Byproducts

Reynard Loki – Earth | Food | Life

Does the U.S. Really Need Another Oil Pipeline?

Sonali Kolhatkar – Economy for All

Thanks from Jan Ritch-Frel and the rest of the IMI team—please join us.

Voting Booth: Reporting on the Ground From Arizona—Audit Controversies and Election Integrity

Voting Booth’s coverage of the Arizona state Senate’s examination of 2020 election ballots from Maricopa County, the state’s largest county, has noted many previously undisclosed and important developments. In mid-May, after visiting Veterans Memorial Coliseum in Phoenix where the audit was taking place and having backstage and floor access, Voting Booth noted why the hand count of 2.1 million ballots from Maricopa County was imprecise at key junctures, which could lead to discrepancies with the state-certified results where Joe Biden won.

The report’s prime takeaway was that the hand count was not compiling or comparing subtotals of the hand count with the building blocks of the official results, which is what an audit would do. By late May, Voting Booth reported how experienced auditors, including a respected Arizona Republican Party election observer, had obtained 2020 election data and issued their assessment of what happened in Arizona’s 2020 election. They found 60,000 ballots where most of the votes were cast for Republicans—but not for Donald Trump. In short, suburban Phoenix voters rejected him—an understandable explanation, in contrast to the many Trump-pedaled conspiracy theories.

As June began, those same independent auditors issued a challenge to the Arizona Senate’s pro-Trump lead contractors—underscoring that an independent team of experienced election auditors could do what the state Senate’s contractors had yet to do: trace the vote count from individual ballots through the process to the compiled election results. By mid-June, as the hand recount was nearing its completion, two camps were emerging backstage: one limiting the Senate’s investigations to those by fervent Trump supporters, and another seeking an actual audit of ballots and vote counts.

Voting Booth’s next report will focus on where the exercise in Phoenix’s Veterans Memorial Coliseum goes from here. It is not yet clear if pro-Trump partisans, who have minimal prior election auditing experience, will short-circuit a wider inquiry that not only evaluates the presidential election vote in Maricopa County, but also double-checks the hand recount.

Covering the Pandemic—From Vaccine Politics to the Catastrophe in India

IMI’s journalists have zoomed in on some of the key threads in the pandemic, from the challenges facing the epicenters of infection in the developing world, to the geopolitics of vaccines, to the creative solutions that communities and activists have found to mitigate the crisis and the precarity in which domestic workers are living. These articles have been syndicated to IMI’s many publishing partners in the U.S. and all over the world. Stay tuned with IMI to stay on top of some of the most important social and political issues relating to the pandemic.

COVID-19 in India:

How India Has Creatively Turned Social Media Into a COVID-19 Helpline to Battle the Pandemic

by Ruhi Bhasin

Modi Is Singularly Responsible for India’s Pandemic Disaster

by Sonali Kolhatkar

The COVID-19 Catastrophe in India Keeps Growing

by Vijay Prashad

Activism and the Environment:

To Prevent the Next Pandemic, Live Animal Markets Must Be Shut Down

by Reynard Loki

PPE May Save Human Lives, But It’s Deadly for Wildlife

by Reynard Loki

To Prevent Future Pandemics, We Must Stop Destroying Forests

by Reynard Loki

How One Rural Community Creatively Solved Keeping Its Residents Well Fed During a Pandemic

by April M. Short 

COVID-19 Has Exposed the Fragility of Our Food System—Here’s How We Can Localize It

by April M. Short 

COVID-19 Has Underscored the Need for Safe Drinking Water—But Not Everyone Has It

by Lorraine Chow

Pandemic May Have Left 265 Million People With Acute Food Shortages

by Robin Scher

Photo by Gwydion M. Williams (CC BY 2.0), via Flickr

The IMI Journal: April 2021 Edition: Making Media That Can Shift Minds

Media is an essential ingredient to get someone whose mind is closed to consider thinking differently—it certainly can’t be forced, and in this digital environment where a person can spend lifetimes in media silos that reinforce their thinking, it’s all the more challenging.

But with so many issues requiring a wider shift in social consciousness to make progress, it’s essential work. Our correspondents for two IMI projects, Local Peace Economy and Earth | Food | Life, have produced so many amazing articles that I know are finding ways to crack through. I know this because I see the reactions to the work, and also because our approach of working with a wide array of publications of different stripes and ideologies in the U.S. and internationally means that it’s getting a wider exposure.

April M. Short’s two recent articles for Local Peace Economy, in which she interviews anthropologists who specialize in the history of war and peace systems, shifted my mind personally. The first explains how the culture of war-making is just one streak in human history, by no means the default; and the second describes how in a high-tech modern era, constructing peace systems is a highly pragmatic approach for all societies. I see the possibility. It’s powerful stuff—and the letters and reactions we’ve seen from all corners of society tell me it landed. Stories like these have their own pace; they change minds one reader at a time, on a time scale utterly at odds with the high-paced digital breaking news marketplace. Short’s recent spate of articles on innovations throughout the U.S. on how communities are trying to find more balanced and sane ways of living together gives me that warm glow of optimism, and I’m guessing that if you went through her recent work, it would do the same for you.

Reynard Loki’s stellar work as chief correspondent and editor of Earth | Food | Life is truly inspiring. The questions he works with go far beyond informing people about the state of our environment, and all the pessimism that stems from the steady stream of bad news one can encounter—the work points to ways that humanity can shift, to prevent the worst from happening, to find a more humane approach to living together. Loki reminded us that the sooner we as a people can recognize the damage of environmental racism, the less suffering we will inflict on each other.

Work like this takes passion—I hope you will join our circle, and reach out to us with your support to help make this world a better place.

And if you aren’t up to date, please catch up with our recent work!

PPE May Save Human Lives, but It’s Deadly for Wildlife

Reynard Loki – April 13, 2021 – Earth | Food | Life

IMI Fellow Kali Holloway to Join Panel on PBS Broadcast, ‘New American Dream: News That Needs Telling’

Kali Holloway – April 12, 2021 – Make It Right

Why Republicans Are Betting the Farm on Attacking Transgender People

Sonali Kolhatkar – April 11, 2021 – Economy for All

How Humanity Can Realistically Prevent War From Ever Happening Again

April M. Short – April 11, 2021 – Local Peace Economy

Why Disability Rights Advocates Are Pressing the Senate to Allow an Internet Voting Option

Steven Rosenfeld – April 9, 2021 – Voting Booth

One City’s Pioneering Project to Push Police Funding Into Housing the Homeless

April M. Short – April 7, 2021 – Local Peace Economy

Biden Promised to End Standardized Testing in Schools—It Was Never Going to Be Easy

Jeff Bryant – April 7, 2021 – Our Schools

‘Sacrifice Zones’: How People of Color Are Targets of Environmental Racism

Reynard Loki – April 6, 2021 – Earth | Food | Life

Thanks from Jan Ritch-Frel and the rest of the IMI team—please join our cause to produce media that can change the world.

One City’s Pioneering Project to Push Police Funding Into Housing the Homeless

Read the rest at Workplace Fairness.

The city of Austin has purchased four hotels and plans to purchase more, to house and provide supportive services to residents experiencing homelessness.

By April M. Short

Homelessness in the U.S., which was already on the rise prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, increased in 2020, exacerbated by the economic realities of the pandemic. Austin, Texas, is no exception, with an estimated 11 percent increase in homeless people counted in the city and Travis County between 2019 and 2020, according to the point-in-time (PIT) count reported in the Austin American-Statesman. Of Austin’s population of roughly 1 million, an estimated 2,500 people experience homelessness on any given night, according to the 2020 PIT count. Austin City Council member Gregorio Casar says this is a number “a community of [more than] a million folks should be able to care [for].”

In an effort to do so, the city of Austin has been purchasing underutilized hotels and transforming them into housing and services for people experiencing homelessness. In a February 4 meeting, the Austin City Council approved the purchase of a fourth hotel—which will provide 150 new homes to the homeless population in the city. Casar says the city plans to move forward on purchasing a fifth and a sixth hotel in the future.

“We have found sufficient resources in the city budget to acquire more hotels because we really believe that it’s a strategy for significantly reducing homelessness in the city,” he says.

In addition to providing long-term and transitional housing to people experiencing homelessness, the hotels purchased by the city will also provide supportive services, including mental health services, trauma services and job services.

“We are working with trusted community groups and nonprofit organizations to provide services at the hotels because we know that there are lots of folks who have experienced real trauma while living on the street and who need support so that their homelessness can permanently end,” Casar says. “And then there are lots of other folks who just need a connection to a job and a stable address for a while so that they can get back on their feet.”

According to Tara Pohlmeyer, communications director for Council Member Casar, Integral Care and Caritas of Austin have submitted letters of interest in operating the hotels and providing services, and the Homeless Services Division (HSD) anticipates negotiating a contract with a service provider/operator for each hotel in April.

He says while shelters provide an important service, oftentimes, they’re just temporarily addressing the issue. The plan for the converted hotels is for them to serve as a more permanent housing solution, to address the real needs of each person they house.

“That’s the way that we can reduce the amount of homelessness in the city, instead of just sort of hiding it, or moving [the homeless population] around while the numbers grow,” Casar says.

To pay for these supportive services, the city will reallocate dollars originally assigned to the police budget, as part of its project to reimagine safety, in response to the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement and public demand. Funding for operations and services of the hotels will come from Austin Public Health, using a portion of the additional $6.5 million added to the Fiscal Year 2021 budget to address homelessness during the city council’s efforts to reimagine public safety.

“We have never had so many people engage in local government before [the BLM movement],” he says. “There were tens of thousands of people that contacted my office alone. In the weeks of protest over the summer [in 2020], we had hundreds of people testifying at city council meetings, for hours, about the changes that they were calling on us to make. I think that was really important. It shifted all of our perspectives. The community here in Austin is calling on us to be real leaders for our community and for people across the state and across the country. Austin, I think, actually responded to the call to transform police budgets in a way that very few cities across the country did.”

Casar says while cities often have the dollars to make the capital investment in property to house the homeless, the long-term funding for operating those buildings and providing supportive services tends to be the challenge. He says prior to last summer’s BLM movement, which pressured cities across the nation to reallocate police funds into supportive services, one of Austin’s greatest challenges regarding homelessness was related to finding that long-term funding.

“The dollars from the police budget are going to provide the services and operate the hotels,” he says. “No matter how many changes I and some others have tried to make to the budget in years past, we’ve, oftentimes, struggled to make really transformative change because so many dollars get wrapped up in the police budget. This last year, there was finally an opportunity for us to rethink that budget and recognize that we were spending so many dollars on jailing folks experiencing homelessness and policing people experiencing homelessness—but that actually doesn’t reduce homelessness.”

Between the four hotels the city has purchased, there are about 300 rooms, some of which might be able to house a couple of people, and many of them just a single person. The plan is for the city to continue to purchase additional hotels and expand the programs offered, Casar says.

“We have to pull hundreds of people off the streets this year,” Casar says. “I think that would make a really significant difference.”

The extreme winter weather experienced in Texas through February and March makes the need to provide safe shelter and supportive services for people living on the streets all the more urgent.

“In a city as prosperous as Austin, no one should have to live on the streets, period. That became even more clear as we saw folks still sleeping out under bridges when we knew that zero-degree temperatures were coming—and sometimes there were hotels or lit-up buildings right across the streets where they could have safely stayed,” Casar says. “It’s clearly already so dangerous to live outdoors and without a home, and these extreme weather events make it even more clear why we can and should reorganize our resources and our priorities to make sure that everybody has a place to lay their head at night that is safe.”

Read the rest at Workplace Fairness.

April M. Short is an editor, journalist and documentary editor and producer. She is a writing fellow at Local Peace Economy, a project of the Independent Media Institute. Previously, she served as a managing editor at AlterNet as well as an award-winning senior staff writer for Santa Cruz, California’s weekly newspaper. Her work has been published with the San Francisco Chronicle, In These Times, Salon and many others.

Photo Credit: adactio/Flickr

Biden Promised to End Standardized Testing in Schools—It Was Never Going to Be Easy

Read the rest at LA Progressive.

In education policymaking in Washington, D.C., the “bean counters” are still in charge.

By Jeff Bryant

Barely a month after President Biden was inaugurated, educators and public school advocates reeled in dismay when his administration announced it would enforce the federal government’s mandate for annual standardized testing in public schools. During the Democratic Party’s presidential primary, Biden had expressed strong opposition to the tests. In a video taken at a December 2019 forum for public school teachers, Biden, when asked, “Will you commit to ending the use of standardized testing in public schools,” replied, “Yes… You’re preaching to the choir.”

Although the decision was made before he took office, Miguel Cardona, Biden’s secretary of education, confirmed the Biden administration would not allow states to skip the exams.

So what happened to “the choir”?

It’s not like there was a groundswell from across the country to resume the tests.

Prior to the Biden administration’s announcement, Chalkbeat’s national correspondent Matt Barnum reported, “Several states, including California, Georgia, Illinois, Michigan, New Jersey, and New York, [had] already asked for or said they planned to request a waiver from this year’s testing requirements entirely.” As of March 29, three states—Georgia, Oregon, and South Carolina—that had requested to offer alternatives to a statewide standardized test were denied, according to a later report by Barnum, but Colorado will be allowed to cut the number of tests it administers by half.

“The two national teachers’ unions—the National Education Association and the American Federation of Teachers—have urged that waivers be given,” Valerie Strauss reported for the Washington Post. “At least [11,000] people have signed a petition by the Center for Fair and Open Testing, a nonprofit organization known as FairTest, calling for waivers to be granted.”

A Backlash to the Biden Decision

The announcement on testing triggered an immediate backlash. “Critics reacted swiftly to the decision to require the exams, flooding social media with condemnations,” Strauss reported for the Washington Post. A notable critic, she pointed out, was New York City’s outgoing school chancellor Richard Carranza, who “urged parents to refuse to let their children take the tests.”

In surveys and widespread commentaries, teachers have long said the tests are of little to no use for their own teaching.

As education historian Diane Ravitch explains in the Washington Post, teachers see the scores months after the students have moved on to another grade, they’re not allowed to see the questions on the tests or how their students answered questions, and the tests don’t tell them which students need extra help, how their students compare to their classmates, or how they should change their teaching methods.

The tests are of little use to parents too, Ravitch states, because, other than ranking their children, the tests don’t inform parents about more urgent concerns for their children’s progress in school, such as how they’re keeping up with and understanding the work, participating in class, and engaging with other students and with the school community as a whole.

The tests have their detractors among state and local policymakers too, reports Barnum. Although “many states” had already been planning to go forward with the tests, Barnum reports, numerous state and local education officials signaled they may ask the federal government for “additional flexibility, or appear to have disregarded the department’s clear language entirely.”

More than 500 education researchers have asked Cardona to reconsider the mandate. Cardona has claimed that test results will “ensure that we’re providing the funds to those students who are impacted the most by the pandemic,” even though plans for distributing the funds have already been determined.

Members of Congress have also spoken out against the tests. Several Democrats led by Rep. Jamaal Bowman of New York have urged Cardona to reconsider the decision, Politico reports: “Bowman said that requiring testing this year would add stress to kids who are already traumatized and divert school administrators’ resources and attention away from reopening safely.”

This ‘Mentality’ Isn’t Going to Work

So who believes we need the tests?

One of the congressional Democrats who signed Bowman’s letter to Cardona, Rep. Mark Takano of California, previously gave me an interesting explanation for that.

In 2015, when President Obama’s Secretary of Education Arne Duncan was such a huge proponent of testing he insisted test scores be used to evaluate teachers, I interviewed Takano, who, like Bowman, had been a public school teacher before being elected to Congress.

When I asked Takano about what he called the federal government’s “test and punish” approach to education policy, he stated that the testing mandate, which began when No Child Left Behind was signed into law in 2002 but still dominates today, wasn’t “designed for the types of realities in [his] school.”

What do colleagues in Congress say when he tells them this? He told me the problem in Congress is that there are two types of people who tend to dominate Beltway ideology and the philosophy that drives problem-solving.

Most people, he explained, are either from the worlds of business and finance or they’re attorneys. The former, due to their work experiences, tend to be driven by numbers and production outputs, while the latter, due to their advocacy interests, want to remedy societal problems, including those that are obvious in the education system, by “putting into place a law with all these hammers” to make someone accountable for any statistical evidence of injustice and inequality.

Neither “mentality [is] going to work in education,” he told me, because at the heart of the education process is teachers being able to build trusting relationships with students and strategizing with other teachers on how to engage students. Having to hit a mark on the annual test or worry about an accountability measure closing your school or ending your employment just gets in the way.

A Pressure Campaign

Someone who fits the mold of those wanting to drop a hammer on educators is acting Assistant Education Secretary Ian Rosenblum, who signed the letter informing state education departments of the decision to carry on the testing mandate.

Rosenblum came to his position having previously served as executive director of Education Trust–New York. Prior to that, he had worked in the administrations of two governors who pushed standardized testing in their states, Andrew Cuomo in New York and Ed Rendell in Pennsylvania.

Rosenblum’s previous organization is part of the national Education Trust, which is currently led by John King, who was secretary of education in the Obama administration after Duncan.

In the run-up to Rosenblum’s announcement, the Education Trust organized a pressure campaign with a coalition of other like-minded organizations to advocate for the tests. As the campaign rolled out, the coalition expanded from a dozen civil rights and disability advocates to more than 40 groups with a broad spectrum of interests, including business, civil rights, charter schools, politics, and so-called education reform policies.

In a series of three letters sent to education department officials—in November 2020 and on February 3 and February 23, 2021—the argument the Education Trust and its allies put forth was that the “data” generated by the tests were “imperative” to determine how “scarce resources can be directed to the students, schools and districts that need them most” and “to address systemic inequities in our education system.”

In his letter upholding the testing mandate, Rosenblum repeated the identical theme: “we need to understand the impact COVID-19 has had on learning and identify what resources and supports students need. We must also specifically be prepared to address the educational inequities that have been exacerbated by the pandemic.”

There are three reasons this argument is mistaken, at best, or, at worst, purposefully deceptive.

First, throughout the pandemic, it has been well understood that students who chronically struggle the most in schools—students of color, Indigenous students, English learners, immigrant students, students with disabilities, students from low-income families, and students experiencing homelessness—are the ones who have been further disadvantaged by the crisis. No one needs test scores to inform them of this harsh reality.

Similarly, the assertion that test data are needed to reveal the inequities of the nation’s education system is absurd. The inequities of the nation’s education system were stark and apparent to all before the pandemic. Obviously, a historic health and economic crisis will only worsen inequities.

Finally, the belief that standardized testing will lead to allocating education resources more effectively is simply not borne out in the history of standardized testing.

As New York City art teacher Jake Jacobs states in the Progressive magazine, “Not only have achievement gaps persisted or widened throughout the standardized testing experiment, so-called ‘help’ has never come, year after year. In fact, the original No Child Left Behind Act meted out escalating punishments, defunding and closing low-scoring schools, or placing them on closure lists to the delight of charter school developers and investors.”

The Biden administration has said that the test score data will not be used to discipline or punish low-performing schools, states, or districts. But does anyone really believe predictably low scores won’t become fodder in the ongoing campaign to dismantle public schools?

Follow the Money

Because of these flawed arguments behind the demand for testing, public school advocates are suspicious that federal officials are simply doing the bidding of private foundations and political groups that tend to influence education policy.

As evidence of that, Leonie Haimson, executive director of Class Size Matters, posted on Ravitch’s personal blog the names of all the organizations that signed on to the Education Trust’s pressure campaign and included the amounts of funding each has received from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the Walton Family Foundation, two of the most influential philanthropies that have spent billions in an effort to transform K-12 education to conform to market-based policy ideas. Most of the organizations have taken donations from Gates and Walton foundations, and some have gotten tens of millions of dollars.

Another source of financial pressure could be coming from the testing industry itself.

Assessment companies have been estimated to rake in over $1.7 billion annually, according to findings from a 2012 Brookings Institution assessment, as reported by Education Week. A 2015 article by Valerie Strauss in the Washington Post reported that testing companies spent more than $20 million on lobbying state and federal government officials from 2009 to 2014 and frequently hired them to do their lobbying.

When former Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, under Trump, allowed states to cancel tests in 2020, one of the larger test companies, Cambium Assessment, took a revenue “hit,” the company’s president told a reporter for Education Week’s Market Brief.

That article also notes that testing companies may take on additional “cost burdens” in 2021 because the Biden administration’s requirements allow states to make some modifications to the length of tests and when they can be given.

Regardless of the money trail and its influence, it’s not clear why the Biden administration made the decision to continue enforcing the testing mandate, and the effects of this perplexing call to continue testing during such an unprecedented school year could have far-reaching impacts, most of which, on balance, seem negative, while few seem positive.

One thing that appears to be certain though, is that, as Takano also told me, “If you liken education to bean counting, that’s not going to work.” And so far, the bean counters still seem to be in charge.

Read the rest at LA Progressive.

Jeff Bryant is a writing fellow and chief correspondent for Our Schools. He is a communications consultant, freelance writer, advocacy journalist, and director of the Education Opportunity Network, a strategy and messaging center for progressive education policy. His award-winning commentary and reporting routinely appear in prominent online news outlets, and he speaks frequently at national events about public education policy. Follow him on Twitter @jeffbcdm.

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